The suggestion that Bersatu orchestrate a coordinated departure from Perikatan Nasional alongside Gerakan and the Malaysian Islamic Progressive Party has emerged from academic circles as a potential reconfiguration strategy for Malaysian coalition politics. Lau Zhe Wei, an analyst at the International Islamic University Malaysia, contends that enlisting both regional and smaller parties in a collective exit would fundamentally reshape the ideological and demographic composition of the PAS-led coalition.
Perikatan Nasional, formed in 2020, has struggled with internal tensions despite its initial momentum following the dissolution of Pakatan Harapan's federal government. The coalition currently encompasses PAS as the dominant partner alongside Bersatu, Gerakan, and MIPP, though the balance of power has consistently favoured the Islamist party. The presence of non-PAS members has traditionally allowed the coalition to maintain claims of broader appeal beyond its core base, a positioning that becomes increasingly difficult to sustain without ethnically diverse components.
Gerakdan, the Malaysian Chinese Association's rival party, has long occupied an awkward middle position within multiethnic coalitions, seeking relevance while navigating the competing demands of different electoral constituencies. MIPP, similarly, represents a segment of the electorate that straddles conventional political categories. Their combined departure would eliminate two important buffers against perceptions that Perikatan Nasional has become narrowly focused.
Lau's analysis suggests that such a move would strip away the coalition's multicultural veneer, exposing what he characterises as its predominantly communal orientation. This outcome would not merely be a matter of arithmetic seats lost, though that remains significant, but rather a fundamental transformation in how the coalition presents itself to voters and the international community. The multiethnic framing has long served as diplomatic cover for PAS's more sectarian positions on governance and policy priorities.
Bersatu's position within the coalition has grown increasingly complicated since its formation under Mahathir Mohamad's leadership as a Malay-centric breakaway from UMNO. The party's subsequent oscillation between different coalitions reflects both its strategic uncertainty and its lack of a clear ideological anchor. By proposing a collective exit strategy, Lau identifies a path that could enhance Bersatu's autonomy while simultaneously weakening a competitor's political positioning.
The hypothesis carries particular weight given Malaysia's ongoing realignment. Since the 2022 general election, which returned no party to clear dominance, Malaysian politics has entered a period of fluid coalition dynamics. Perikatan Nasional's role in supporting various federal and state governments has left it vulnerable to accusations of opportunism and ideological inconsistency. A coordinated departure by three parties would create space for entirely new political formations or accelerate existing efforts to consolidate broader alternative blocs.
For Gerakan specifically, which has endured decades of declining political fortunes since its heyday, any reconfiguration represents a potential opportunity to reposition. The party's presence in Perikatan Nasional has failed to translate into meaningful electoral recovery or policy influence. Exiting with partners would allow Gerakan to reassess its broader political strategy without the stigma of appearing to flee under pressure.
The regional implications of such a restructuring extend beyond immediate Malaysian politics. In Southeast Asia's broader political context, where coalition stability directly affects governance effectiveness and policy continuity, the fragmentation of major political blocs triggers cascading uncertainties. Other regional actors, particularly neighbours invested in Malaysia's domestic stability, would need to recalibrate their engagement strategies with a reconfigured Malaysian political landscape.
However, the practical feasibility of executing such a coordinated departure remains uncertain. Bersatu would need to navigate complex intra-party dynamics and potential resistance from members committed to maintaining federal government stability. Gerakan and MIPP leadership would face their own internal pressures regarding any dramatic coalition shift. Moreover, the financial and organisational costs of political divorce—severance of joint campaign infrastructure, allocation of elected positions, and redistribution of government appointments—create substantial barriers to implementation.
Yet Lau's suggestion resonates with growing recognition that Perikatan Nasional's current configuration satisfies neither its members nor its external critics. PAS's dominance creates incentives for other parties to establish independent political identities, while the coalition's multiethnic facade increasingly conflicts with its substantive political record. The viability of any exit strategy ultimately depends on whether alternative political homes exist for these parties and whether Malaysian voters would reward such reconfiguration with electoral support.
